By Natalia Kopytnik
When Putin swiftly
snatched Crimea from a bewildered Ukraine in early 2014, a collective shudder
passed through the Baltic States—Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. These tiny European
countries, with populations smaller than that of New York City, have found
themselves wondering if they might be the next targets of Russian aggression.
But while the collective West has been responding with a rather disjointed war
of words and sanctions, tiny Lithuania has been rallying its people, resources
and allies, hoping for the best while preparing for the worst.
The North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO), the European Union and the United States have all
sought to reassure the Baltic States that they will remain active in protecting
their interests. Nevertheless, Lithuanians, much like many Eastern Europeans,
are painfully aware that they cannot put their faith in assurances alone (Delfi.lt, February 11). The government in Vilnius
has taken increasingly strong steps to bolster Lithuanian security,
simultaneously sending a strong and defiant message to Russia. Notably, the
Lithuanian Ministry of Defense recently published a comprehensive guide aimed
at preparing Lithuania’s three million citizens for the worst possible
scenario. The document, bluntly titled “How to Act in Extreme Situations or
Instances of War,” provides a framework for a civilian plan of action in the
event that the border is breached by enemy combatants (“Ką Turime Žinoti” as found on Kam.lt, accessed February 26).
While potential enemy
combatants are not specifically identified as Russians within the document, the
message is clear: the country should be prepared for the worst-case scenario.
The editor’s note explains that “we aimed in this publication that
[Lithuanians] receive comprehensive information of the state and its possible
action in the event of disaster or war [...] we try to provide all the
necessary information but realize that issues remain, which require further
explanation.”
As to its contents, the
guide provides many general suggestions as to the best evacuation routes,
construction of home bomb shelters and recommended demeanor around enemy
soldiers. The section entitled “Practical Tips for Residents” aims to teach
Lithuanians a plethora of survival skills related to specific situations of
peril such as: a) how react when sirens sound (move to a safe area), b) how to
act in an emergency (do not panic, listen to the radio for instruction), c)
what to pack in an emergency pack (first aid, non-perishables, blankets and of
course, adhesive tape, among other items), and d) how to act in the event of an
explosion (take shelter in a basement, ditch or tree).
In the case of more
extreme situations, the guide offers both emotional and practical advice on how
to behave as a hostage, stressing that “your only goal is to survive”; it is
unwise to refuse food and do not “stare down your captors.” Yet another section
advises on the proper course of action in the event one is unable to evacuate
the area of hostilities. Some pieces of advice are more ambiguous than others: “if
you fail to evacuate, you will have to acquire a gun, it will protect you from
bandits.” Where to obtain weapons or munitions is not spelled out.
The advice and
guidelines range from fostering psychological support, to more practical basic
survival skills. For example, in situations of duress, “do not lie to people to
encourage them” and “do not risk your life to defend property or assets” and,
most importantly, “do not panic.” More pragmatically, the Lithuanian defense
ministry document recommends its readers to “have an ample supply of
non-perishable food” and “ensure each family member’s needs are considered when
planning.”
In the event of
occupation, citizens are advised on how to actively resist the enemy regime, by
holding strikes and demonstrations, advocating resistance through social media,
staging cyber attacks and engaging in passive resistance through unproductive
work. “Be aware,” the guide advises, “if your country is surrounded, escape
abroad will be almost impossible.” Be prepared, “to stay in the country and
join a resistance movement of defense or survival.” So far, about 2,000 copies
have been distributed in schools and other institutions, though the full document
is also available for download from the defense ministry’s website.
At the end of the day,
the reality is that Lithuania directly borders Russia’s European enclave of
Kaliningrad (its border with Belarus provides little comfort as well). Judging
by Putin’s playbook in Crimea, the evolution of a Russian-choreographed crisis
in a region with a significant number of Russian speakers (about 6 percent of
Lithuania’s total population) is not beyond the realm of possibility (RT, January 15).
A plausible choice in this case? The port city of Klaipeda, home to a
considerable Russian minority and strategically valuable liquefied natural gas
(LNG) terminal, which is conveniently located less than 150 kilometers from the
Russian border.
Thus, in addition to
releasing the “survival guide,”
Lithuania has also decided to increase its defense spending to at least 1.1
percent of GDP by next year, and 2 percent (as recommended by NATO) by 2020. It
has also vowed to increase military cooperation with Latvia and Estonia (Delfi.lt, February 11). Nonetheless, the looming
reality remains that Russia’s defense spending has skyrocketed in the past few
years and is expected to hit a record $81 billion this year (about 4.2 percent
of its GDP). Therefore, Lithuania needs a contingency plan because no European
country, regardless of its size or military budget, has the resources to be
able to successfully take on Putin’s Russia alone (The Moscow Times, October 16, 2014).
While other countries
in the region (such as Poland) have hesitated to send lethal weapons to Ukraine’s
aid, the Lithuanian foreign ministry (as well as that of neighboring Latvia)
reaffirmed that they were keen on sending assistance for the Ukrainian army (Sputniknews.com February 5). In general,
Vilnius has remained one of Kyiv’s strongest supporters during the course of
the crisis in the east. And Russia has noticed; the country’s NATO airbase has
reported an increase in Russian planes flying into Lithuanian airspace without
identifying themselves or submitting flight plans (Itv.com, February 7). Russian news outlets have
predictably and repeatedly decried President Dalia Grybauskaite and the
Lithuanian government for its “hysterics” (Pravda.ru February 16). Similarly, Russian media
relegates the perceived threat of invasion in the Baltic States to “fear
mongering” and “delusion” (Sputniknews.com February 20).
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