By Paul Goble
Almost all discussions about migration to
and from Kazakhstan focus on the departure of ethnic Russians and other Russian
speakers since 1991. This emigration wave has increased the dominance of the
titular nationality there. But while the Russian exodus has cost Kazakhstan
some of its more highly educated specialists, it has generally not created the
difficulties, including outright violence, sometimes associated with other
kinds of migration. Indeed, the return of ethnic Kazakhs from abroad, illegal
immigration by various groups the state has been unable to control, and
increasingly large migration flows within the country have left some regions
without the necessary workforce and imposed untenable burdens on others.
In a new article for the CentrAsia.ru portal, Fazilya Yunsaliyeva
says it is important not only to look at these various kinds of migration but
also to recognize that what matters in most cases is “not so much their size as
their structure and their territorial distribution.” Even small shifts in
numbers caused by in- or outmigration can have serious consequences for a place’s
ethnic, age and gender distribution (Centrasia.ru, May 6).
Since 1993, the Kazakhstani government
has sought to regulate patterns of ethnic migration by means of quotas
governing not only how many people may enter the country but also affecting, if
not determining, the number leaving or moving from one region to another. And
since 2007, Astana has expanded this program to regulate not only ethnic
patterns but also the age, gender and skill sets of people on the move. Generally,
it has been successful, but not always. And as a result, migration has left
some regions without the people they need, and others with new burdens. That
reality has sparked tensions and even conflicts that in, several cases, have
involved deaths.
Among the most serious migration
problems have arisen as a result of the government’s campaign to attract
Kazakhs living abroad—a group known in the Kazakh language as “oralmans.” More
than 800,000 of them have returned from other countries in Central Asia, China,
Mongolia and the Russian Federation, but they have insisted on settling almost
exclusively in Kazakhstan’s urban centers, where their skill sets are less in
demand. Oralman immigrants have generally refused to move to more rural areas,
where they could be put to better use.
This imbalance, Yunsaliyeva says, has
sparked conflicts between the oralmans and employers as well as between these
newcomers and native-born Kazakhs. On occasion, such situations have “ended in
bloodletting,” a euphemism for deaths and serious casualties. But these conflicts
have had yet another consequence, prompting many of the oralmans who had come
back to Kazakhstan to try to leave, this time often for Russia, Germany and
Ukraine. They have also prompted many more ethnic Russians to think about
leaving Kazakhstan, further worsening the country’s overall stock of human
capital.
Indeed, the journalist says, looking
forward one can see that while outmigration to Russia has declined since the
highs of the early 1990s, more departures by members of this community are
likely, making Kazakhstan more Kazakh but leaving it, for a time at least,
without the skilled personnel it needs for modernization.
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