By Paul Goble
Salafism or “pure Islam,” which often
serves as the basis for political radicalism and militant activism, is a very
different phenomenon today in the North Caucasus than it was only a decade ago,
according to one of Russia’s leading specialists on the trend. According to
Moscow Islamicist Dmitry Nechitaylo, this change reflects the fact that its
followers are younger, more educated, more urban and more independent of the
national traditions that have long determined matters of faith and behavior
among the various Muslim peoples of the region.
In an article prepared for the
Ohranka.com portal, Nechitaylo, who has written numerous books on Islamist
trends, says that “since the beginning of the 2000s, Salafism as a movement […]
in the North Caucasus has undergone fundamental changes.” In the 1990s, it consisted of small
communities of jamaats at the margins of society. The level of religious
knowledge among its leaders was “very low,” and those who followed it were
distinguished primarily by their “radical methods of struggle against
traditional Islam” (ohranka.com/archives/35813).
Now, Salafist ideas are increasingly
found among educated and urban groups, “many of whom have received training in
Arab countries. A decade ago, most of
the North Caucasians studying abroad came from rural areas in Chechnya or Dagestan,
but now, Nechitaylo says, almost all of the non-Russian nationalities in the
region supply part of this flow. While
some who go to Syria, Turkey or Malaysia return as representatives of what
could be called “moderate” views, those who go to the core regions of the Arab
world have generally come back as convinced Salafists.
At the same time, the average age of
Salafis in the North Caucasus has dropped from 30–35 to 20–25, a reflection of
increasing anger among young people that Moscow has failed to address their
need for jobs. Indeed, polls show that many school children now support the
Salafis. And the geographic origins of this group have changed as well. In the
1990s, most Salafis were from rural areas and had little or no advanced
education. Now, “ever more urban residents with higher levels of education have
joined the ranks of the militants.” This urban origin also means that the new
Salafis are less affected by the national and cultural traditions of their
parents as family ties have weakened.
The younger and more educated Salafis
of today, Nechitaylo continues, prefer “Islamic intellectuals from their own
milieu who have encountered in their daily life the same problems they have,”
and these young people are less inclined to listen to official mullahs, whom
they view as too subservient to the powers that be. As a result, there has been a significant
“decline in the authority of the official muftiate in the Caucasus.”
Force alone will not be enough to
defeat these new Salafis, Nechitaylo insists. Instead, the authorities must
make a concerted effort to reintegrate militants and legalize rather than
outlaw Salafi trends. That will become
possible when officials recognize that although most Salafis call for the use
of shariat law, few support the overthrow of the existing state and the
establishment of a caliphate.
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